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CHILD LABOUR AND EDUCATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: IMPLICATION FOR NATIONAL POVERTY ALLEVIATION


Mrs. Adaobi .L. Aroh
Lecturer,
Nwafor Orizu College of Education, Nsugbe.
Anambra State-Nigeria.
Email: arohadaobi@yahoo.com

ABSTRACT

Various official reports have established that child activity options have a link to household poverty. Specifically, research acknowledges a two-way link between child labour and household poverty. Some researchers argue that the increasing participation of children in economic activities is a result of illiteracy and poverty, among other social and economic problems. Others view such participation as an important strategy by poor households to rise above the poverty line. In Nigeria, reports have identified an increasing incidence of child labour, but comprehensive national analyses of the descriptive and causal factors of the child welfare variables – schooling and work – have not been possible until now. Poverty is an enemy of man, it humiliates and dehumanizes its victim. Child labour is often a complex issue sustained by employers, vested interest, class distinction and poverty which has denied the child the opportunities to have basic education. This paper in a clear analysis observes that child labour results in the inability of the child to develop skills and knowledge required to obtain sustainable employment to alleviate poverty in the families. The paper highlights the implication of child labour for education of the child in Nigeria and advocates that child labour should be brought under control by government, individuals, corporate bodies and all concerned in order to provide the child with proper education, Improve his well-being and create a brighter future devoid of abject poverty for the Nigerian society. A proper control of Child labour in Nigeria will bring about sustainable growth and development.

Millennium Development Goals and Entrepreneurial Skill Development In Nigeria: An Integrated Microfinance Model


Chukwuma Onyekachukwu Ike
Lecturer,
Department of Public Administration,
Anambra State University, Igbariam Campus.
Anambra State.
&
Rose Onyekwelu
Lecturer,
Department of Public Administration,
Anambra State University, Igbariam Campus.
Anambra State.
&
Uche Nora Okpalaibekwe
Lecturer,
Department of Public Administration,
Anambra State University, Igbariam Campus.
Anambra State.
Abstract
In September 2000, leaders from 189 nations ratified the Millennium Declaration. The declaration is an unprecedented global commitment and one of the most significant United Nations documents of recent time. It offers a common and integrated vision on how to tackle some of the major challenges facing the world. The declaration has resulted in eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) focused on reducing poverty, improving the quality of peoples’ lives, ensuring environmental sustainability, and building partnerships to ensure that globalization becomes a more positive force for all the world’s people. Specific targets and indicators have been set for each of the goals, to be achieved by 2015. These goals might remain elusive unless much emphasis is laid on the development of entrepreneurial skills. Entrepreneur can provide the new approaches needed to hasten the process of reducing poverty and hunger. This paper shows that while the MDGs do not formally set targets for financial sector, Nigeria needs microfinance to empower the skilled economically active poor through an integrated microfinance model in order to achieve the MDGs.

FISCAL FEDERALISM AND SOCIAL CONFLICTS IN NIGERIA: A SURVEY OF THE NIGER DELTA EXPERIENCE


Rose .N. Nwankwo
Chief Lecturer,
Department of Public Administration,
Federal Polytechnic, Oko.
Anambra State, Nigeria.
Email: rosenwankwo@gmail.com

Abstract
Our work on fiscal federalism and social conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria is primarily motivated by the desire to identify and explain the reason(s) behind the volatile conflicts that have come to engulf majority of the once peaceful states of the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.  It is hoped that clear identification of the problem and solutions to be proffered, will be adopted by policy makers to resolve these conflicts permanently.

Introduction:
The Niger Delta remained largely quiet and agrarian until the discovery of oil in commercial quantity at Oloibiri in 1956. This discovery and subsequent exploitations have generated billions of petro-dollar into the ‘Federation Account, while on the other hand, the land and people of the Niger Delta largely have misery, pollution, Failed aquatic (marine) environment and poverty, sickness and death, to show for it. The people have watched helplessly, but with mounting frustration, how the wealth generated from resources under “their soil” is being applied to make life comfortable for Nigerians in other parts of the country. On their part, oil-exploring activities have forced them out of their primary sources of livelihood like fishing and farming because of factors like oil spillage, pollution, gas flaring and acid rain, among others. The result of these realities is that at some point, frustration has set in with its concomitant effects, aggression and conflicts. The people of the Niger Delta argue that the present Nigerian state structure is fashioned in a way that a class of Nigerians perpetually exploit, and marginalize the minority groups, who have been favoured with one natural resource or the other. Thus, there seems to be a relationship between the clamour for fiscal federalism and the conflicts in the Niger Delta region.

The Niger Delta region of Nigeria has in recent times become a “War Zone” of some sort. A number of armed youth groups have sprang up in the mangrove areas of the region to assert their rights. Government agents have declared their activities illegal and criminal. However, the people of the Niger Delta argue that they are like the proverbial donkey which, when pushed to the wall has no alternative than to take a u-turn at that point, irrespective of the danger behind. Consequently, they have used several media to express their frustrations with the structure and functioning of the Nigerian state. In the course of these expressions, worthy sons of the Niger Delta have been killed and labeled saboteurs. These include people like Adaka Boro, Ken Saro Wiwa, the Odi people and several others. The bottom line of their agitations is the argument that the Niger Delta region, which presently produces more than 90% of the nation’s foreign earnings, does not get a fair share of the proceeds accruing to the nation from the exploitation and exportation of crude oil. It is argued that implementation of fiscal federalism will serve as a panacea to these problems arising from resource generation and sharing.

CONCEPTUAL CLARIFICATION

Federalism
Federalism as a doctrine or form of government denotes a state or political arrangement, which showcases two or more levels of government (referred to as constituent units). Each of these levels of government is allotted its own area (sphere) of governmental legislative and administrative jurisdiction, all clearly outlined in a written constitution. In the words of Ofoeze:
---the concept “federalism” refers to a state of affairs in a country whereby the exercise of governmental legislative power is shared through constitutional legal provisions, among different levels of co-ordinate governments (Ofoeze, 1999:2).

Ofoeze’s postulation agrees with the earlier classical pioneering work on federalism by K. C. Wheare, who had described the federal concept as a principle which denotes:
---the method of dividing governmental legislative powers so that the general (central) and regional (component) governments are each within a sphere, coordinate and independent (Wheare, 1963:10).

Thus, unlike the unitary form of government which emphasizes the permanent (habitual) exercise of supreme legislative authority by one center, the federal form is built on the principle of structuring a government on the basis of the existence of multiple levels/layers of governments that are to a large extent, independent to one another in carrying out their constitutionally assigned functions. Federalism has been adopted in many countries (like the United States of America, Canada, Nigeria, etc) as a device for the management of ethnic, regional and religious diversities that, most times constitute primary sources of conflict in a number of societies. The federal form of government therefore, is a “political contrivance intended to reconcile national unity with the maintenance of states rights” (Dicey, 1959:63).


FISCAL FEDERALISM
 Fiscal federalism is a usage in federal practice that refers to the fiscal (monetary) relationship between the different tiers of government. This relationship revolves around expenditure and revenue matters, and fiscal federalism connotes revenue and expenditure decentralization. Fiscal federalism is thus expected to be the product of some form of voluntary association involving certain division of responsibilities, functions, powers and authority. Consequently, fiscal federalism refers to the allocation of resources (vertical and horizontal) among the tiers and component units of a federal state, and institutions for the discharge of their constitutionally assigned responsibilities and functions.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
 Having clarified the major concepts above, it is necessary for us at this point to adopt a theoretical guide with which to lay a foundation for the remaining parts of our work. Given the focus of our paper, which is to locate the relationship between agitations (conflicts) in the Niger Delta region and the demand for full implementation of fiscal federalism (other-wise referred to by the Niger Deltans as resource control) in Nigeria, we will adopt the class theory as our theoretical framework. This theory seeks to analyze the implications of “structural groups as they relate to the productive forces, the reward system and the consumption of economic goods” (Ifeanacho and Arokoyu, 1999:130).
Nigeria was incorporated into the world capitalist system several decades before colonialism in Africa began. Hence, many analysts have argued that classes do exist in Nigeria. By class in this work, we are referring to the model propounded by Lenin and his fellow socialists. Lenin as cited in Anikpo defines Class as:

Large groups of people differing from each other by the place they occupy in their historically determined system of social production by their relation (in most cases, fixed and formulated in law) to the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labour and consequently, by the dimensions of the share of social wealth which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it. (Anikpo, 1991:14).

In an attempt to extend this conception further and in a way that better reflects the Nigerian structure, which has contributed greatly to the crisis recorded in the Niger Delta, Nzimiro has argued that the “Ruling Class” constitutes the controllers of the state power and inversely, the resources of the country. They (ruling class) consist of:

Those who make decisions on how the economy should be run, how amenities should be shared; who should enjoy this or that privilege; which major government project should be set up and where; what sort of relationship should exist between the government and foreign governments, how the army should be structured and the ruling class are those in the commanding heights of state power (Nzimiro, 1981:261-262).

The relevance of this theory to our work stems from the fact that to the people of the Niger Delta, there is the general belief that, as was expressed before independence, the major ethnic groups (as represented by their leaders) have constituted themselves into an exploiting class. The groups referred to are the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo, which have ruled the country at one period or the other for the past fifty-one years. That, by the various decrees and legislations they have passed into law, the federal government (controlled by them) has taken control of 100% of the land and natural resources deposited in any part of the country, including the crude oil found in the Niger Delta. Through these laws, the resources generated from oil are being shared to states as far as Sokoto, Kano and others that contribute little or nothing to its generation. They equally argue that a critical review of revenue sharing formula in Nigeria shows an abnormality; where, on the principle of population and number of local governments, a state like Kano, with the largest number of local governments in the country gets higher monthly allocations from the Federation Account than Bayelsa and Delta States combined who have eight and twenty five (thirty three) local governments respectively. Presently, the Niger Delta states are clamouring for at least 25% of the proceeds from oil, but the powers that they (ruling class) have argued that they have been magnanimous enough in allocating 17% to that region and that this cannot be adjusted upwards for the sake of national unity.


The Niger Delta’s Fear of Marginalization and Domination by the Three Major Ethnic Groups
The minorities’ problem in Nigeria has remained a recurring decimal in the nation’s history. From the colonial era till date, the minority ethnic groups have expressed the fear of marginalization and domination by the three major ethnic groups of Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo. Hence, just before independence in October 1960, these groups demanded for separate regions from existing regions. These included the demand for a Middle Belt region, Mid-West Region and the COR (Calabar, Ogoja and Rivers) Movements, among others.  The Niger Delta region falls between the last two categories.  The colonial administration had to set up a commission chaired by Sir Henry Willinck to look into the fears expressed. The recommendations of that Commission were neither implemented by that colonial regime nor the succeeding Nigerian democratic administrations. At best, it promised the people that their interest would be protected through enabling constitutional provisions.
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is a peculiar section of the country mostly because of its topography (wetlands) and the fact that presently, more than 90% of Nigeria’s foreign earnings are derived from the sale of oil tapped from that region. The Niger Delta area has been variously categorized into the following constituent zones:

1.         Fresh water alluvial zone                    -           2, 730sq. miles
2.         Saline (mangrove) zone                       -           2,460sq. miles
3.         Beach ridge zone                                -           5,500sq. miles
4.         Sombreiro Warn Deltaic plain             -           30sq. miles
5.         Ogoni: Excluding Saline soils -           360sq. miles
Source: Anderson, B. 1966:1

The Willinck Commission already alluded to above, made accurate description in its report on the specific location of the Niger Delta Area.  According to that report:

To the east of Ibo plateau lies the valley of Cross River, which is fed by streams from the Cameroon’s as well as from the plateau-this forms a broad vertical strip containing people who are not Ibos. Across the South of the region from the Niger in the West to the mountains in the East, stretches a broad horizontal belt of swamps and low-lying country. These two strips of the coastal belt and the Cross River Valley together make a rather sprawling reversal ‘L’ which encloses the Ibo plateau (Colonial Office Report, 1957).

In a report by a team set up by the Shell Petroleum Development Company of Nigeria Limited (SPDC), it is recorded that: “the region consists of a total area of 70, 000 Square kilometers inhabited by six million people across twelve major ethnic groups living in 800 communities” (SPDC, 1966:1). While the landmass and the number of communities may not have changed significantly, same cannot be said of the population. Going by Nigeria’s population growth rate of not less than 2.7% annual growth rate, the Niger Delta population cannot be less than 12million people.
In his categorization, Nna (2001), like many analysts of politics of that region, noted that:

These communities now form what is known in Nigeria’s political nomenclature as the South-South ethnic minority zone. Interestingly, petroleum is almost exclusively produced in this area. Although, oil one of the main resource endowments of the Delta accounts for more than 80% of Federal Government Revenue in Nigeria, the prevailing argument is that not much is used in the development of the area. The reality therefore is that the communities remain economically and socially backward owing largely to the dearth of basic infrastructure and social amenities. (Nna, 2001:8).

Nonetheless, it is this reality of being the major economic contributor to the national purse of Nigeria without commensurate reward that is presently leading to the volatile agitations in the Niger Delta creeks of the country. In not too distant past, that region had assumed the hot bed of the Nigerian polity. The youths have picked up arms against troops of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, kidnappings of prominent men, oil (foreign) workers have been taken hostage and their release tied to a number of demands from the Federal Government; the core of which is the demand for fiscal federalism, generally referred to as resource control. This minority’s problem has become a major part of the “national question” which no administration in Nigeria has successfully attended to, by way of legislating acceptable and lasting policies.
However, from January 15, 1966 when the first military coup took place and soldiers were appointed as military administrators to the regions and states, the concept of coordinate relationship that permits the practice of fiscal federalism between the federating units in the Nigerian federation was completely jettisoned. The country was from that regime subjected to military dictatorship and even under democratic regimes the form of government and fiscal practice has remained largely unitary. When the Gowon administration created 12 states in 1967, that action was aimed at weakening the base of the newly declared Biafran Republic. Gowon, among others, appointed military administrators to manage the newly created states and these were made to be directly accountable to the Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces. From that period, the country fell into the firm grips of military dictators and even under democratic regimes, the form of government has remained largely unitary in practice and majority of the nation’s resources were from that period brought under the direct control of the Federal Government. This policy thrust was achieved through the promulgation of a number of decrees like the Petroleum Decree No.51 of 1969, Petroleum Production and Distribution (Anti-Sabotage) Decree 1975 and the Land Use Decree (1978), among others. A quick review of the contents of these decrees would shed more light on the anti-federalist practices of the Nigerian Federal State.

1.         The Petroleum Decree No. 51 of 1969
This Decree was a re-affirmation of the exploitative, colonial administrations “Minerals Ordinance” of 1949. Subsection I of section 1 of the Decree states that:

The entire ownership and control of all population in, under or upon any lands shall be vested in the State.

While subsection 2 of that section 1 adds that:

All land (including land covered by water), which is in Nigeria or under the territorial waters of Nigeria, which forms part of the continental shelf, shall be vested in the state.

Consequently, this decree like others after it “denied the communities and oil producing states, not only onshore oil but offshore oil as well” (Nna, 2001 :37). Decree No.51 of 1969 places the responsibility for issuing mining rights or mining leases and licenses, for “petroleum prospecting, lease, search for mine, work, carry away and dispose of petroleum” on the Minister of Petroleum Resources. This is why under the then administration of Olusegun Obasanjo, the president decided to attach this office to that of the Presidency. This implies that he is both the Head of State and Minister of Petroleum Resources. He is particularly interested in this area that presently generates more than 90% of the nation’s foreign exchange.
Decree 51 of 1969 equally empowers the Minister of Petroleum resources to arrest without warrant, and hand over to the law enforcement agents, any person who commits an offence under the Decree. It thus makes it an offence for anybody to interfere with or:

Obstruct the holder of a license or lease granted under section two of this decree (or his servants or agents) in the exercise of any rights, power or liberty conferred by the license or lease.

The stipulated penalty for such an offence is one hundred pounds or imprisonment for a period not exceeding six months or both.
By this Decree, the concept of fiscal federalism was completely jettisoned from governmental practices in Nigeria. While it brought all oil resources under the control of the Federal Government, and protects the interest of oil prospecting and exploiting companies, it did not put enough mechanism 
in place to cushion the negative effects of oil exploration on the oil-bearing communities.

2.                              The Petroleum Production and Distribution (Anti-Sabotage) Decree  1975.

Like Decree 51 of 1969, already mentioned above, this Decree was to further add to the hardship faced by the Niger Delta people, while the federal government’s foreign earnings remained on the increase. According to Akolokwu, this Decree “was directed against the peasantry in the oil producing areas and oil workers” (Akolokwu, 1986:134). This Decree, among others, makes it an offence, punishable by death by firing squad or twenty-one years imprisonment for anybody to do anything with intent to:

Obstruct or prevent the production or distribution of petroleum product in any part of Nigeria or willfully do anything with intent to obstruct or prevent the procurement of petroleum products for distribution in any part of Nigeria, willfully does anything in respect of any vehicle or public highway with intent to obstruct or prevent the use of the vehicle or public highway for the distribution of petroleum product.

Prevention of oil prospecting companies or their tools from mobilizing to site thus constituted sabotage and those caught in the act were to be tried by military tribunals, not subject to any laws or court in Nigeria.

3.         The Land Use Decree 1978.
This was one of the major decrees used by the federal government to transfer the ownership of all land within Nigeria’s territory to the center. The decree states, inter alia that:

whereas it is in the public interest that the rights of all Nigerians to the land of Nigeria be asserted and prescribed by law, and whereas it is also in the public interest that the rights of all Nigerians to use and enjoy land in Nigeria and the natural fronts thereof in sufficient quantity to enable them to provide for the sustenance of themselves and their families should be assured, protected and preserved, now therefore, the Federal Military Government decrees as follows: Subject to the provisions of this decree, all land comprised in the territory of any state in the federation are hereby vested in the military governor of the state and such land shall be held in trust administered for the use and common benefits of all Nigerians in accordance with the provisions of this decree.

With such amount of powers and resources under the control of the Federal Government, many analysts have argued that Nigeria practices a lop-sided federalism. This absolute revenue control powers of the center contradicted among others, the revenue sharing formula provided for by the 1963 Republican Constitution, which was based on the formula of 50% derivation principle. With the intervention of the military in the body politic of Nigeria, the revenue percentage accruing to the Federal Government remained on the increase while those of the constituent units were reduced steadily. This factor remains the most fundamental issue threatening the unity of the present Nigerian federation and indeed the source of the brewing conflicts in the Niger Delta. To buttress the serious problems which fiscal federalism poses to the present federal practice in Nigeria, the United States of America intelligence report (2005) declared that if a number of the crises of the Nigerian federation, especially those of the Niger Delta minorities are not resolved on time, Nigeria would disintegrate in the next fifteen years.
This security report seems to further buttress the need for affirmative action to be taken on the problems of the oil-producing states of Nigeria. This quick action is necessary because during the lifespan of the then democratic regime, militant groups have risen up in arms against the oil producing companies, taking their workers hostage for weeks and, indeed engaged the Federal Government troops in shoot outs at the creeks of the Niger Delta. These armed and civil challenges seem to constitute the external expression of fears entertained by these minority groups of the country that feel that fiscal federalism ought to be fully introduced and enforced in Nigeria. Even with the meeting held between the Federal Government and delegates from oil producing states in April 2006, at Abuja, the coast does not yet look cleared for peace to reign in the creeks of the Niger Delta.

Conclusion
We started off in this work by acknowledging the fact hat the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria has become a hotbed of violent activities. This violence is perpetuated by youths of the area who express the fear and frustration that, that region has been shortchanged for too long. They have therefore, decided to take their destiny in their hands by attempting to force the Federal Government to drop or change a number of the existing “obnoxious” legislations which work against the (economic) interest of the region; being the major source of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earner for more than four decades now.
As a result of these agitations in the creeks of the Niger Delta, lives and resources have been wasted as a result of hostage taking, shoot-outs between soldiers and aimed militant groups, petroleum pipe-line sabotage, leading to oil spillage and pollution of the environment, etc.

Recommendations
As a follow up to the above, we shall proceed to make a number of recommendations, which if implemented by the Nigerian Government may serve as permanent solutions to the conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria.
First, the Nigerian state should abide strictly by the tenets of true federalism, which is the form of government its founding fathers chose to
practice as far back as 1954.
           Second, true fiscal federalism should be fully practiced in the system. This approach could take the form of going back to introduce into the 1999 Constitution, the 1963 constitutional provisions which provided for 50% derivation or adopt the request by the people of the Niger Delta for 25% which should graduate into 50% in the next ten years.
Third, frantic efforts should be made to improve upon the environment of the Niger Delta areas by providing essential basic amenities like roads, pipe borne water and schools.
Fourth, Niger Deltans should be given scholarships to be trained in fields that will give them the requisite qualifications for employment in the oil industry. This will equally demand a massive job employment scheme for indigenes of that region.


References
Akolokwu. S. A. (1986). State, Imperialism and Peasant in Petroleum Producing Areas in Nigeria: A case study of Elf in Ogbaland” an Unpublished M.Sc Thesis. University of Port Harcourt.
Anderson, B. (1966). Report on the Soils of the Niger Delta Special Area.
Niger- Delta Development Board. August.
Alkpan, H. Ekpo and Enamidem U. Ubok-Udom. ed. (2003). Issues in Fiscal Federalism and Revenue Allocation in Nigeria. Ibadan: Future Publishing.
Amuwo. K. et al. (ed.) (2000). Federalism and Political Restructuring in Nigeria. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.
Anikpo, M. (1991). State Formation in Precolonial Africa, Analysis of Long Distance Trade and Surplus Accumulation in South Eastern Nigeria. Port Harcourt: Pam Unique.
Colonial Office. (1957). Report of the Commission appointed to Enquire into the Fears of The Minorities and the Means of Allaying Them. London: Her Majesty Stationery Office.
Dicey, A. V. (1959). Introduction to the Law of the Constitution. London: Mcmillan.
Ifeancho. M. and Arokoyu, S. B. (1999). “Patriotism and Ethnicity in Nigeria:
A Critical Analysis of the role of Leadership in National Development.
In Tamuno, et.al. eds. Ethnicity Conflictand Development Prospects in
Nigeria: A Book of Readings. Owerri: Corporate Impressions.
Laws of the Federal Republic of Nigeria Containing Decrees and Subsidiary Legislation,1969. Lagos: Federal Government Printer.
Nna-Ntete, N.J. (2001). The Niger Delta: State Legislations, and Disempowerment. Owerri: Springfield Publication Ltd.
Nzimiro, I. (1981). “The Concept of Africa: The Relevance of the Appraisal of the New International Order”. Presented at the United Nations University Symposium on African Perspective on the New International Economic Order.
Ofoeze, H. G. A. (1999). Federalism: A Comparative Perspective. Enugu: John Jacob’s Classic Computer Systems.
SPDC, (1966). Nigeria Brief Community Issues. Shell Petroeum Development Company of Nigeria limited.
Wheare, K. C. (1963). Federal Government. New York: Oxford University Press


Art for Humanity Sake: Marxist Ideology and Consciousness in the Poetry of Akachi Adimora – Ezeigbo


Ikechukwu E. Asika
Lecturer,
Department of English

 
Anambra State University, Igbariam Campus.
Anambra State- Nigeria.


Abstract
Over the years, there have been arguments on the role of art in society. Some critics with apt knowledge of Western literature and the quality of their several art works tend to argue in favour of art for art sake but it is a fact, however arguable it may be, that a dekko on the bulk of literary works produced in the African continent are products of the artists’ vision and creation as part of their duties and debts they owe their societies towards achieving a more prosperous and beautiful future. These artists concern themselves with issues greater than their common and private interests but of general and communal interest of their societies. Poetry, one of the genres of literature has become one of the formidable ways through which writers and artists criticize and attack their societies in the hopes of correcting and instituting a more ideal and idyllic society of their dreams. Several poetry collections exist not for private exotericisms of the poets but for the betterment, liberation, and emancipation of a greater number of the people all for humanity sake. This paper selected the two volumes of poetry by Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo, Hearts songs and Waiting for Dawn. The purpose is to study how the poet used the avenue of poetry to defend the cause of her people. The paper highlighted critically the class consciousness and struggle between the upper and lower class which draws attention to the collections as Marxist literature. What ought to be done to bridge this wide gulf and restore the sanctity of humanity and equality of life from the view point of the poet is one of the major thrusts of this paper.


Introduction
          Literature is a means of self-expression, a mirror which reflects the societal mores and values through which we could obtain a glaring picture of society in transition. Literature has became an integral part of any society for it has become one of the trusted avenues through which a society could be well appraised and judgment passed all geared towards making the given society more viable, lasting and productive. Poetry, one of the genres of literature has become a worthwhile .and dependable tool for literary criticism. Poetry entertains and delights the mind but over the years it has found its best application and usage as a weapon, a tool for criticism with which poets mock and satirize societal actions, values and attitudes in the hope of correcting and instilling in the people, right and ethical moral values which in no small measure will institute a more harmonious, idyllic and tension free society as well as engineer a more appreciable peaceful co-existence among individuals in society. It is the nature of poetry and its poetic composition that accords it this privilege over other genres of literature for in the words of Ikiddeh (1982):
… Poetry has an intrinsic quality, which commends it as a handmaid to revolutionary action. Its evocativeness in language and brevity of form make it the ideal medium of the revolutionary artist in a hurry, first for communicating those impressions in the hope to elicit corresponding emotions from the audience (167).
Poetry fulfils the task of reaching the mind and evoking memorable pictures which force one to have a re-think not just because of its evocativeness created by the artist but as a result of its tacit nature. The message of poetry often comes to us, moments and moments after the first reading and it is in these moments that its revolutionary impact envelops us and imprisons us. Typical of every society is the presence of many forms of vices, problems and evils peculiar to the society which militate against her growth. Just like an Igbo proverb which advocates that the monkey’s hand should be removed from the soup pot before it turns into a human hand, a situation detrimental to the people involved, so has literature continued to decry all forms of evil and dehumanizing practices as a way of removing the monkey’s hand from the soup pot of society. Poetry has embraced this task of social advocacy and exists for the purpose of social reformation, re-orientation, re-habilitation and re-education that must be done. This role of poetry transcends and breaks all chain of arts for art’ sake to embrace in all entirety art for humanity sake, the humanity of people the poets hope to redeem; the humanity whose problems and shortcomings the poets express in their poems.
            The argument for art-for-art sake had ranged over time in literary criticism which tries to frown at sociological novels and literary works as having too much of the society and reflecting little of humanity and one will wonder what is society if not men and women that exist in it.
            In the wake of this argument an in support of ‘art for art sake’ Onoge Omafume reports that it is the intervention of this kind of criticism that forced Achebe into his self-doubt into saying and arguing that perhaps what he writes is applied art as distinct from pure in one of his famous quote on what he hopes his novels would communicate. The Nigerian critic Dan S. Izevbayi is the most sophisticated advocate of art for art’s sake criticism. According to Onoge, he, in 1971 acknowledge without apparent regret the sociological conditioning of the colonial milieu which informed the birth of literature, but hoped that a literature with a ‘suppressed social reference would develop so that non-sociological criticism could in fact advance (466). According to Dan S. Izevbaye as quoted by Onoge (2007):
With this new emphasis in criticism, that is the suppression of the social reference of literature as a significant influence in criticism, it may be easier for critics to pay greater attention to the literary work itself … The social factor was important only because the literature itself was largely sociological. As the literature becomes less preoccupied with the social or national problems and more concerned with the problems of men as individuals in an African society, the critical reference will be human beings rather than society, and the considerations which influence critical judgment will be human and literary rather than social ones (466). 
   
However, impressionable this argument will sound, society is man and people and a man cannot be fully understood in isolation of his society, neither can the personality of an artist, his message and vision as a writer be well underscored if the socio-cultural milieu that gave rise to his literary work are not put into consideration and well studied. The work of an artist is best studied and appreciated with an apt knowledge of the society, the people he writes for and the turns and twists in the society that gave rise to such works. Understanding a society and the events of the time is a step towards the direction of accessing and appreciating the value of a given work of art in its place and time. Abiola Irere (2007) in support and justification of the sociological approach which views literature a part of art for humanity sake writes that sociological approach:                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
… attempts to correlate the work to the social background to see how the author’s intention and attitude issue out of the wider social context of his art in the first place and, more important still, to get to an understanding of the way each writer or each group of writers captures a moment of the historical consciousness of the society. The intimate progression of the collection mind, its working, its shapes, its temper, these and more are determinants to which a writer’s mind and sensibilities are subject, to which they are responding all the time and which, at a superficial or profound level, his work will reflect in its moods and structures (468).

This argument obviously supports and lends credence to art for humanity sake, for in understanding of the social background that gave rise to the work of art, we understand how a writer responded to a particular moment and issues in the annals of his society. We can fully access the part of sacrifice an artist makes not for himself but for the society; his pains in capturing the agonies, problems and events of the time which has a lot of role and contribution to the shaping of the future of the society. These art works exist for the humanity sake, and it is this existence and link that we study in the poetry of Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo, to see how she sacrificed her personality and interests and employed her vision as a patriotic poet to decry and agitate for equality and more befitting environment for the peasants and downtrodden in her society.



Marxism and Marxist Consciousness in Literature
            Marxism is a critical tradition that seeks to understand literature from the perspective of the historical materialism developed by Karl Marx and Engels that is, as a changing form of material production that participates in and illuminates the process of history. Marxism according to Maynard Solomon as quoted by Chidi Amuta is the symbolism of dialectical conflict of drama of the unity of opposition, of revolutionary change, of matter and man in motion constantly transcending the moment pointing into the future (504). Marxism in other words is an ideology developed by Karl Marx with which he tries to explain and draw attention to the class struggle, the political, social and economic gap between the upper class and the lower class; the super structure and the base structure, the capitalist and the bourgeois class against the proletariats, the poor and peasant masses. This ideology encapsulates the yearning gap and glaring injustice between the producers of the labour, the class of the peasants and the less privilege and the owners of the labour, the capitalists and the bourgeois and seeks to address these problems which constitute in part the problems of any gainful and meaningful society. Marxist philosophy pays attention to the class struggle and draws attention to the exploitative scenarios of the class struggle, in the hopes of reversing the system and entrusting a greater portion of society wealth in the hands of the producers, the peasants and lower class and not in the hands of the capitalists as it is, the possessors of these wealth who wield and control them at ease to the detriment of the producers, whose situation is still far from better. Marxist ideology encourages a revolutionary spirit, a call to the people to rise and stand for what is right and take back what belongs to them as the only reasonable way to foster history and achieve posterity.
In the words of Amuta (2007):
To seek to transcend the limitations of the various formations of bourgeois criticism of African literature is to quest for a politically engaged, ideologically progressive and dialectical theory of that literature. In this quest, Marxism has been palpably and critically implicated not only because it represents the finest crystallization of dialectical thought into a social and political proposition but also because it encapsulates an ideological proposition in the context of which progressive forces in Africa are engaged in the struggle for negating the legacy of neo-colonialism and frustrating the designs of imperialism (504).
 
Marxists reject the system of labour that makes a given set of people ‘the hands that produce’ and confers on few others ‘the hands that eat’ to put it in the commonest term. As believed by the Marxist critics, the society belongs to the people as well as its wealth and resources and any aberration from this natural way ought not to be allowed to pass unnoticed but an equal to task struggle should be given by not one but all, to liberate and free the wealth of the society and maintain a state of equilibrium that will ensure a collective and unified growth of all people irrespective of class, colour and gender. According to Onoge (2007):
Marxist critics have always insisted that in class societies, this contingent relationship of intellectual production and consciousness on material economic relationships is mediated by the class structure, by way of class interests and class psychology. In class societies, culture, art and literature take on a class character. Literature in such circumstances is fully implicated in the class struggle. It can either evince a consciousness that seems to conserve the society on behalf of privilege interests or exude a revolutionary consciousness congruent with the objective interests of the oppressed class which is engaged in the struggle to change the social status quo (472).

Several African writers have embraced the ideological stance of Marxism to fashion and create their works based on the class struggle and conscious effort of the less privileged and to question the very institution of wealth concentration in the hands of the capitalists with which they hope to repossess their wealth and equate their gains to their loss of sweat. Prominent among these writers as regards to fiction are Ngugi Wa Thiongo, Osumane Sembene, Fetus Iyayi among others. In poetry the list seems long but few among them include the likes of Odia Ofeimun, Niyi Osundare, Tanure Ojaide, Nimmo Bassey, Akachi-Adimora and the host of other Marxist poets. These writers have turned their artistic visions to draw our attention to the sufferings, the poverty, agonies, exploitation, victimization and oppression of the peasants and the less privilege masses by their capitalists over lords, the bourgeois that constitute part of the super-structure of the society. These writers demand for the alleviation and betterment of the lots of these common people who ought to be the real owners and controllers of the wealth they produce. At the same time, they encourage some revolutionary measures among the classless people, a struggle in whatever form to balance the scale, achieve freedom and sanity and decolonize themselves from all forms of injustice, poverty, suffering, exploitation, oppression, denigration, victimization and molestation. This will usher in a new, orderly and more humane future devoid of class struggle and class consciousness. As Ngugi Wa Thiongo (2007) asserts:
What is important is not only the writer’s honesty and faithfulness in capturing and reflecting the struggles around him, but also his attitude to those big social and political issues ... what we are talking about is whether or not a writer’s imagination leap to grasp reality is aimed at helping, or hindering, the community’s struggle for a certain quality of life free from all parasitic exploitative relations. We are talking about the relevance of literature in our daily struggle for the right and security to bread, shelter, clothes and song, the right of a people to the products of their sweat. The extent to which the writer can and will help in not only explaining the world but in changing it will depend on his appreciation of the classes and values that are struggling for new order, a new society or more human future, and which classes and values are hindering the birth of a new and hopeful. And of course it depends on which side he is in these class struggles of his time (478).             
Thus, literary writers, who embrace the philosophy of Marxism and blend their works to such direction, seek to re-define the social order of the control and production of labour and wealth. They seek to draw attention to the exploitation of the people while demanding for their equal right and security to good health, food and other social amenities that will tarry with their sweats. They hope to join hands in instituting a new social order, the birth of a new society with no class demarcation and every Marxist writer owes it as a duty to himself, his art, his society to join his pen in the struggle in his time and put in a word or two all towards the birth of a classless and more productive society, the new future.

Akachi Adimora-Ezeigbo – The Poet, Poverty and the Proletariats
            Akachi Adimora Ezeigbo rank among one of the Nigerian poets that has a soft spot for the feelings, suffering and desolate situation of the poor masses, the class of the ruled, oppressed, downtrodden, lower citizens and peasants of the country and she took it upon herself, in her collections of poetry to champion and project their cause hoping to win pity and favour for them. In the collection also he attacked vociferously our leaders and the negligence to the condition of the poor and the downtrodden. She did not mince word to garnish the lines of her poems with ornate euphemistic imageries and words but was as lucid and blunt as she could be to attack our leaders as part of her contribution in the quest to make our country more befitting society and production environment. It has always been an issue however arguable it is that a greater percentage of the problems of the lower citizens of the country at large are products of in sincerity of purpose, exploitation, looting, insensitivity and all other denizens of bad leadership on the part of our leaders who cling onto power to amass the wealth of the country and stash them away in their foreign accounts. This situation weighs heavily on the peasants and class of the ruled who toil and sweat so much to energize and boom the economy of the nation but have little or nothing to show for it. in this country, equality and even distribution of resources though a crucial factor are discussed only on the pages of books in obsolete and far away libraries; but it is with sadness that we continue to witness how the wealth of this nation is still in the hands of privilege few and how poverty continues to claim a greater proportion of the land and people. In her Marxist poise, the poet writes to decry the helplessness and impoverished situation of our poor and homeless people in the hopes that the people concerned will hearken to the voice of these less privileged and ameliorate their lives.
            In “Lagos slums” a title in Heart Songs, the poet draws attention to the people congested in the Lagos slums and ghettos which is a sharp contrast to the Government Reserved Areas where top government officials and bourgeois class reside. She sings about the Lagos slum, a city of gold and dreams and the people who reside and languish helplessly therein:
Lagos teems/ with numberless slums
Most as old as the city/over crowded hovels
cardboard contraptions/in some cases
Houses on stilts/like stilt dances
tottering at uncanny angles…
Streets exist/with solid structures
but plagued by/people congestion
suffering from humidity thralldom/power cuts
Blocked drains/singing mesquites/making music
night and day. (91)
The beautiful Lagos city hides under its shinny and beautiful facades, slums that have become ‘numberless’ where the less privileged are jam-packed with infectious stenches, oddour, mosquitoes and diseases and the people have no choice but to live, cope and die in these slums. The poet went on to paint pictures of poverty, human congestion, insecurity of lives and property, diseases, suffering and death witnessed in these slums. She notes with sadness that the people in these slums are not really nuisances and never do well of society but are good citizens who could stand to compete and perhaps perform better and credibly than the children of the rich confined in heavenly reserved areas if given a chance. She believes that:
This earthly Hell/hole in the city
hides beauties/able to challenge
an Agbani Darego/daughters dreaming
 of a prince charming/swooping down/ to pull them out
of captivity … (92)
Many of these children aspire to acquire and satisfy their yearning and unquenchable appetite for education which they believe is a ‘passport’ to the good life in a foreseeable future. One would wonder why these people ought not to be located, rescued and given equal chances for more unified and codified society. It is with sadness that one realizes that despite the confinement in these slums, many of these people have never given up on the nation and their hands still toil in whatever capacity to enrich and boom the country’s economy which our leaders amass and share the spoils among them.
            The poet’s Marxist concern and disposition is made more manifest in her pidgin poem entitled “Monkey Dey Work, Babbon Dey Chop”. In the poem, she fulfilled all the functions of what Ngugi Wa Thiongo suggested to be the genuine task of every Marxist writer, to identify himself in the class struggle and engineer the workers on the right and revolutionary attitude towards reclaiming their world and possessing their rightful possessions, a situation that will see to the birth of the new future, a new social order devoid of exploitation, oppression, victimization, injustice and unproductive toil and sweat. In the poem, we see the wide gap between the bourgeois, the capitalist overlords and the poor masses, the class of the workers and the peasants. We encounter a  Marxist oriented poem that calls to mind and brings to bare the injustice, oppression, victimization, and exploitation of the lower class by upper class; we encounter the injustice meted on the base-structure, the class of the peasants and workers by the people of the super-structure, the leaders and the capitalist bourgeois, the owners of the wealth. Our sympathy is quickly aroused and our milk of human kindness is stirred, a situation enough to stir a revolutionary feelings no matter how little to save the society, the people and humanity towards a new order and befitting situation that will ensure  an evenly distribution of the wealth of the nation. In the poem, the poet sings:
            Big oga dey for office, suffer man dey
Factory de kill himself with work/
seven o’clock in the morning I don come
Na dere him go tanda sote dem tire
            Some dey do over time sef, Saturday and Sunday
            Public holiday dem work sote dem tire
            Minimum wage dam get year by year, no increment
            But oga him money dey grow like tree for bank …
            Na proper victim we be, men and women
            Money no cover food, housing and school fees
            Even self we no fit buy better cloth to wear
            Money no de for pay hospital bill …
            Small thing you do dem fire you …
            Na so so risk we dey take …, life no safe at all         
            Why because de owner lock him door (44).
The ‘Big oga’ locked the emergency exit door for fear that his workers might steal his goods through the emergency door and it happened that the day the factory caught fire, many workers were burnt alive, because no one opened the emergency door to let the
workers out. The door was locked permanently because of the oga’s fear that these workers will steal his goods. What an act of inhumanity:
            I hear say workers dey shout, dey shout
            Nobody open door; fire roast dem like yam (45).
One could not help but ponder on such inhuman treatment meted out on these workers who toil and sweat from dawn to dusk to produce the wealth the oga enjoys. Just their safety was too much for him to guarantee not their welfare. This and other levels of suffering and exploitation made the persona to conclude thus:
            Na him make me say I no fit work for factory
            Again, even if you double money ten times! (45).
This is the disposition of the poet not to encourage any factory workers, and when this is done, the ‘Big Ogas’ have no choice than to go down and work in these factories themselves, a near impossible task. Only then will they realize the worth and great importance of these workers and then they can, the ogas and the workers sit on a round table to talk about the way forward and how best to control this wealth. This is the message of Marxist ideology, a situation that will give birth to the new future.
            In the collection Waiting for Dawn the tone of poverty and denigration persisted. In the title ‘Waifs and Strays of the City’ the poet recounted a time when stray dogs and cats are noticed in garbage bin and refuse dumps as they parade the streets of our orderly city and forage for food. It was with sadness that the poet discovered that today, in our cities, that it is no longer dogs and cats that parade and forage in the garbage bin but our homeless people, beggars and the destitute, leaving no space for the cats and dogs:
There was indeed a time            
Stray dogs and cats/paraded the streets of our orderly city,
Foraging in the garbage bin.
            Today,
            The waifs and strays of the city
            Are children/Homeless, abandoned
            Human litter, debris/Dotted, defaced
            The boulevards, parks and gardens,
Turning them to dumps for human flesh… (24).
The poet expressed with a disheartened spirit how beggars and homeless children litter the streets; how dry fountains have become dry holes for copulating beggars who in the end ‘create more images of themselves to join the army of destitute. In the end, the poet pleads that this poem should be a clarion call to the people concerned to take these children off the streets and behead the monster serpent before it strikes:
            Let this be a clarion call:/take these children off the street
Behead the monster serpent before it strikes
Quench the fire before it becomes a conflagration
Remove the monkey’s hand! (24)
In the “Song of a Mad Woman (1)” from the mad words of the mad woman the poet further created pictures of the destitute, and the down trodden that litter the streets:
            See the victims of the epidemics/A depressing sight/
            In the village angular terrain
            Bodies litter the eroded ditches
            Like harmattan leaves fat for fodders (40)
In “Song of a Mad Woman II” the picture of poverty, injustice and denial was painted out in all lucidity:
The mangled bodies by the road side
perfuming the air/with rotten flesh/will wake up at noon
 the still rubbing shoulders/with the ghostly ones
will reincarnate at dawn.
Though a million youths parade the street
trading their lives for trifles/Though the jaw of famine
Devour the children of men/Though chattering machine guns
depopulate our towns and villages
Yet the truth buried in the heart of time
reveals that you came at the right time (42).
Amidst all these pictures of poverty and injustice, exploitation and suffering of the people, amidst their numberless death and boneless bodies, the poet is so optimistic that the “music of change’ came at the right time. It is these music that the poet proclaim, a message of hope that gives strength and courage to the poor, the downtrodden, the class of peasants, telling them to hold on; to unite in a common cause and together they shall dethrone corruption, injustice and evil and enthrone equity, fairness, equality, justice, peace, freedom, oneness, love and harmony, that will guarantee them all the good things of life and see to the birth of the new future, a classless society that Karl Marx and Engels so much dreamt and wished for.

Conclusion
          In the form of conclusion, we reinforce the idea that art exist for humanity sake. Akachi Adimora- Ezeigbo wrote some poems that made up her collections to put in a word or two for the class struggle and identify herself in the side of the oppressed, the down trodden, the peasants and the producers of labour. She hopes to encourage and engineer them to be steadfast and look at the future with optimism while sending a signal to the oppressors that they should remove the monkey’s hand in the soup pot of society before it turns into a human hand, a situation detrimental to all involved. Akachi Adimora has proven to be on the side of the peasants and has heed to the call of Ngugi Wa Thiongo who frowned that even today, the African writer has often refused to see that values, culture, politics and economics are all tied up together, that we cannot call for meaningful African values without joining in the struggle against all the classes that feed on a system that continues to distort those very values.
           Ngugi emphasis that we must join the proletarian and the poor peasant struggles against the parasitism of the comprador bourgeois, the land lords and chiefs, the big business African classes that at the same time act in unison and concert with foreign interest. For we cannot have a humanistic society and that free and unfettered human intercourse is impossible within capitalistic structures and imperialism; that true humanism is not possible without the subjection of the economy, of the means of production, land, industries, the banks etc, to the total ownership and control by the people; that as long as there are classes – classes defined by where and how the various people stand in relation to the production process, that a truly human contact in love, joy, laughter and creative fulfillment in little will never be possible. We can only talk meaningfully of class love achieving within classes – class marriage, joy, families, class culture, class values, and not common humanity (481). Thus, Akachi has lived up this role as a Marxist poet who advocates for true humanism and unified society, where we do not talk about class, but common humanity; where we speak not of the less privileges and the upper class but society and where we speak not of class struggle but collective human efforts towards a more lasting society. She has used her poetry to advocate for equality, freedom, justice in all spheres of lives and to balance the scale of life. Until this is so, the people will continue to struggle, writers will continue to write, humanity will continue to bleed, struggles will always continue until victory is finally won. Only then can the dream of Karl Marx come to fully actualization; a meaningful African values and system will be realized and the new future will be born.




REFERENCES
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--- (2010). Waiting for Dawn. Ibadan: Kraft Books Limited.
 
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Drabble M. and Jenny S. (2003). Oxford Concise companion to English Literature. New York: Oxford University Press.
Egudu, R. (1979). The Study of Poetry. Ibadan: University Press Ltd,.

Ikideh, I. (1982). “Poetry in the Cause of National Liberation, The Example of Agostinho Neto and the Angolan Struggle.” Nigeria Journals of Humanities, No 5 & 6.
Maduka, C.I and Luke. (2000). Fundamentals of Poetry. Uyo: Scholars Press.
Ngugi W.  (2007). ‘Writers in Politics: The Power of Words and the Words of Power” African Literature: An Anthology of criticism and Theory. Ed. Olaniyan, Tejumola, and Quayson Ato. USA: Blackwell publishing Ltd,.
Onoge Omafume – “Towards a Marxist sociology of African African Literature: An Anthology of criticism and Theory. Ed. Olaniyan, Tejumola, and Quayson Ato. USA: Blackwell publishing Ltd., 2007.Literature”  Olaniyan